Education and Hinduism
by Gaia Grant © 2000
An examination of the
ways in which beliefs and values are passed on to children informally through
rituals and ceremonies in the home and the community and any opposition that
might be experienced.
Support from every facet of the community
While
the fundamentals of the Hindu faith in
Because
what is learnt at school is discussed and practiced at home, and vice versa,
there is an ongoing feedback system that builds a strong scaffolding to allow
for growth. In fact, it is probably because both of these sources of
information and inspiration are as strong as each other that the faith is an
integral part of Balinese daily life, as expressed through each individual.
Furthermore,
there are opportunities for extended involvement in religious practices and
expressions through local community based and government organisations. Local Sanggar, for
example, are privately organised cultural centres based in the local community
that offer classes in a range of religious arts (Ketut
Sastrana, Blahbatuh Sanggar, 1999).
The Hindu Foundation also offers classes in different areas of faith, and after
that there are Hindu universities where one can seriously study the religion
(The Hindu Foundation).
This
means that a child might, for example, choose to study Balinese dancing as an
extra-curricular activity at school, practice dancing while at home, study
dancing more formally through a local Sanggar, and ultimately be involved in a dance for a local
temple festival. Many young girls would start learning dancing at age five, and
would become accomplished performing dancers only a few years later.
Other
religious arts that might similarly be covered in the same range of contexts
are learning an instrument from the gamelan
orchestra, and singing. A boy might start learning a gamelan instrument from the age of ten years, and boys and girls
would start singing lessons a year or two before that. Mask making is a sacred
art that is more likely to be handed down from generation to generation through
families than taught formally. Other religious positions and duties, however,
are thought to be spiritually ordained, and do not have the same rigorous
training opportunities.
Participation in daily rituals
The
emphasis on ritual in the faith must also help to cement the religion into the
hearts and minds of the Balinese (Purwita, 1993).
Because the faith is not really open to personal interpretation and varied
practices, but is rather tied down to very specific requirements, and because
these are repeated on an extremely regular basis, faith quite easily becomes a
habit, which then naturally becomes an integrated part of one's daily life.
Everyone
regularly practices Sembayang,
or prayers. Three times a day - at 6am, 12midday, and 6pm - someone in a
family will usually prepare small offerings to place in the family shrines.
Offerings are an essential part of the Hindu faith. In the Mahabharata, Krishna tells Arjuna that
God proclaims, "Whosoever offers to me with devotion a leaf, a flower, a
fruit, or water, that offering of love, of the pure heart I accept." (Mahabharata, ix: 26)
A
good Hindu home (and a wealthier one) will have golden painted shrine platforms
placed up high in the corner of every room. There is also usually a household
temple in each family compound. The canang offerings placed in these places will consist of a
small tray made from coconut leaves woven and folded to become a box shape,
filled with special leaves and flowers and some dupa incense. As well as being
offered as a gift to the gods who reside in those shrines and protect each of
those rooms, smaller less elaborate offerings are also made to the demons to
appease them. These are usually placed on the ground - at the front door or
front gateway to the house and on pathways and roads. Sometimes something more
valuable is placed in the shrine and temple offerings, such as money or
jewellery, as a real sacrificial offering.
Small
offerings are also usually prepared after meals are cooked and before the food
is eaten. Small portions of rice and the other foods cooked are placed inside a
leaf and then put on top of the cooking pots and at other strategic places.
Children
will be able to observe and start to participate in this practice from a young
age. They will start to help make the offerings, or certainly, at the very
least, watch as the women pass lengthy periods of time making them. Banten tegeh are
also made by women to carry to temple ceremonies. These are tall mountains of
fruit and brightly coloured cakes stuck into skewers which then go into a
central banana stalk stem.
Large
bamboo decorations made for religious ceremonies, known as banjen or penjor, are usually made with by the men, and boys will start to help out
with making these from about the age of ten years. The men in a village are also
responsible for preparing and cooking the food for ceremonial feasts, chopping
finely meat, vegetables and spices for the special minced lawar dish, or preparing suckling pig, for example. Older teenage boys
would start to help with these tasks by about fifteen years of age.
Prayers
are also offered at school and in the temple, so there are plenty of
opportunities for the child to learn and practice these rituals. The prayer
itself, the Trisandya, is formally learnt in classes (Penuntun Belajar Agama
Hindu Kurikulum, 1996). When a child first starts in kindergarten or Teka at five
years of age, he or she will be required to learn and recite the first verse of
the Trisandya.
By the time the child is seven years old, he or she will already know all six verses.
Passing through rites of passage
There
are a number of rites of passage through which each individual must pass in
order to be purified and prepared for their spiritual journey through life (Eiseman, 1990). These are usually related to specific stages
of physical development, and start soon after conception, so everyone is
intimately involved in these rites and soon becomes familiar with the
associated practices.
These
particular rites of passage, known as the human rites or manusa yadnya, are a distinct category of rites
- just one of many kinds of rites that the Balinese practice. There are four
separate features of each of these ceremonies, each of which is religiously
performed as part of the overall process of sanctification.
The mabiakala, firstly, is a sacrifice to the evil
spirits to ensure the ceremony is not disturbed during the ceremony. The majayajaya (literally, prosperity), secondly, is a blessing and form of
purification, which often simply involves a sprinkling of holy water, but this
part of the ceremony can also be a lot more complex and involved. The third
aspect, known as natab or ngayab, involves wafting the essence of a deity either toward or away
from oneself. The gods of the nine directions are invited to enter the person's
body, who will then each dwell in a different part of the body. The fourth
essential element of these ceremonies is muspa prayers.
There
are 13 human rites of passage that are recognised by Balinese Hindus. These
include:
1.
Six months after conception Pegedong-gedongan
2.
At birth Untuk kada empat
3.
When the umbilical cord
falls off Kepus pungsed
4.
Twelve days after birth Ngelepas hawon
5.
42 days after birth Tutuang kambuhan
6.
105 days after birth Telubulan
7.
210 days after birth Oton
8.
When adult teeth appear Ngempugin
9.
When last milk tooth falls
out Maketus
10. At puberty Munggah daa/teruna
11. Before marriage (tooth filing) Mapandes
12. Marriage Pawiwahan
13. For study Pawintenan
These
ceremonies may be celebrated to a greater or lesser degree depending on the
individual family or community emphasis and wealth. However simple or elaborate
the ceremony, these occasions are always happy times for the family and
community. Sometimes the ritual will be just a short formal procedure
restricted to immediate family, but often everyone associated with the
individual involved participates in the detailed preparations. The whole
community, in these cases, helps with the elaborate offerings, with the
time-consuming and tiring food preparation, and with the extensive decorations.
Not
in the same category of ritual – but nevertheless an important ceremony in the
human life cycle – are the ceremonies connected with death and cremation.
Ceremonies related to death are in a category of their own, and are known as
the pitri yadnya. Cremation
ceremonies are usually grand affairs, as it is important to go to as much time
and expense as possible to ensure the spirit of the person who has died is
shown due respect – particularly since that person will soon become a deified
ancestor with great power.
Apart
from the temporary preservation of the body until a day that is auspicious
according to the Balinese calendar is chosen for the actual cremation,
preparations for the event itself will include a whole series of different
tasks. Some men in the community will be busy preparing the materials for and
building the necessary temporary structures from bamboo poles and coconut
leaves for days on end, while women work full-time for weeks before making all
the offerings required. At least one life sized animal-shaped sarcophagus will
be made, as well as the huge cremation tower. Apart from all this, a place for
the formal ceremony is prepared – with chairs and lights in a marquee, and a
priest is called to officiate. After the event, there is a further series of
ceremonies, and everyone must be given gifts and thanked for their help, so the
whole process can take weeks or even months.
The sheer number of these rituals, the amount
of work involved in each one, and the dense social context of Balinese society
means that the average Balinese child will be exposed to and involved in
religious events on an extremely regular basis. Add to this the cyclic
religious observances, such as the recognition of the new and full moon phases,
special observances for various gods, and special events on the Balinese
calendar, when the ancestors are called down to earth, and there is an almost
constant string of religious events for the child to be absorbed into.
The special events on the Balinese calendar are
Galungan, Nyepi and Kuningan (Suriana, SMU
Taman Sastra Jimbaran, 1999). Other cyclic rituals include those that
take place every six months (keeping in mind the Balinese calendar has 35 days
in each month) include ceremonies for particular gods, including the Sabuh Mas for Dewa Mahadewa, the Soma Rinek and the Pagerwesi. There
may be several ceremonies for the one god, also. The Anggara Kliwon, Buda Wage, Bude
Kliwon and Saniscara Kliwon, for
example, are all for Dewa and are held every month.
More often than that is the Kajeng Kliwon, which is for the manifestation of the god Siwa, and is held every 15 days.
The
physical structure of the Balinese villages and relational structure of family
and village life are important factors in the children's exposure to religious
events and the acculturation of the children into the religion. Communities are
very close in terms of proximity as well as in terms of regular contact and
mutual support.
The
average Balinese village is designed first and foremost to fit in with the
religious requirements of buildings (Couteau, 1999).
They must be oriented in the kaja-kelod direction – that is, facing towards the mountains
and away from the sea – with the most sacred of buildings, such as the temples,
in the kaja
position, and the most profane, such as the garbage area and the cemetery, in
the kelod
position. After that, they are designed around the community family compounds,
which are in themselves a microcosm of the village set-up.
Each family compound consists of a central courtyard that is usually
lined by sleeping rooms, a cooking room, bathroom etc. The direct descendents
of the eldest male will live in this area, as well as the wives of any of his
sons, so there may be quite a few generations and individuals living in the one
area together. Regular chores such as cooking, cleaning, chopping wood etc are
shared by the extended family – as are, of course, all religious preparations
as well. It is not unusual to see extended family groups sitting around in an
open bale and chatting as they
prepare decorations or offerings together. The compounds that adjoin each
separate family compound are usually housed by further members of the extended
family, and would often include the brothers, sisters and cousins of the head
male.
With the nuclear family structure of countries such as Australia,
privacy is valued and respected and there is usually limited time spent with
extended family members and even, often, with members of one's own nuclear
family. Each individual will sleep in a separate bedroom and can spend
extensive periods of time in his or her own room - or in one of the many other
rooms in the house - behind closed doors, if desired. Each person will often be
engaged in personal pursuits, such as reading, computer activities, listening
to music, watching TV, and so on. Privacy from neighbours is protected by walls
and fences, and there is not always a close proximity to extended family
members.
Western education systems, too, tend to encourage individual thought and
expression, and this spills over into the ways religion is learnt and
expressed. Individualism is valued to the extent that is possible to learn
about and express religion completely independently of anyone else.
These factors may well contribute to the current difficulties many
adults have with encouraging their own children to follow their own faith.
For the Balinese, religious values can only be expressed in the context
of community. In socially extended close living communities such as the
Balinese community, children spend a lot of time with extended family and
friends and learn to imitate and adapt to religious practices even as they
learn to speak and walk. Religion is not an independent choice or a private
affair; it is a community practice and unspoken expectation. Learning about
faith, too, happens naturally and obviously in the community context. Although
the fundamentals of faith are covered in theory and, to some extent, in
practice in the schools, it comes alive in the community. Faith becomes a
holistic expression of the society and its values rather than an individual
expression of private thoughts and beliefs.
The principle that is paramount in the way Balinese society operates and
which highlights the importance of community involvement in all aspects of life
is expressed in the gotong royong (Eiseman, 1990). In
practice, gotong royong often
refers to the working groups - in Australian society often called "working
bees" - which combine together to fulfil community obligations for
ceremony preparations, general community maintenance, and so on.
Respecting and learning from
elders
The inherent importance of having a respect for elders must also be a
major contributing factor to socialisation into the faith. The whole of society
has a hierarchical structure according to the Hindu belief. The caste system
works on the belief that through reincarnation, and through repeatedly
following kharma
rather than adharma,
people can acquire higher status, until they eventually reach the pure state of
Nirwana (Supartha,
1995). There are the higher, or more privileged castes of the Brahmana and then the Ksatriya, and then the lower castes of Wesya and Sudra respectively.
Respect is automatically given to those of a higher caste, and this
difference in status is most easily discerned in the levels of language. There
is, for example, a completely different language to be used when talking to
those of the Brahmana or priestly clan than there is if you
are talking to a "commoner" of a lower caste. Children learn the
concept of respect early, therefore, as the most powerful absorption of
concepts can be through the use of language. Age, similarly, is respected, and
different words are always used when referring to or talking to someone older
than you.
This means that when it comes to religion, children will have grown up
to respect priests and religious teachers as well as the elders in their own
family, including parents, grandparents, aunts and uncles, and so on. Because
true respect often translates into trust and content obedience, religious
values are listened to and accepted without question. Also rather than
encouraging discussion and open negotiation, when parents deal with children
they will expect their requests to be followed without questioning.
It is interesting to discover that it is very rare that children choose
not to want to go with their parents to temple ceremonies or to assist when
performing religious functions (Suriana, 1999). The
Balinese would not usually attempt to coerce a child if any reticence is
expressed, unusual as it is, but where there is any opposition to religious
observance the children usually eventually choose to participate of their own
accord.
Ironically, too, the Indonesian government has encouraged people to
follow what has been handed down to them without questioning, so this has
carried over into the acceptance of religion. The education system has, for
many years, had an emphasis on rote learning and the retention of facts, so
many children must similarly accept the faith that has been handed to them
without challenging its premises, as is more common in societies where critical
analysis and independent thought are encouraged.
The future of the faith
The recent major turn of events over the last few years - climaxing with
the first truly free and democratic election in Indonesia - has already
introduced the first steps of freedom of expression. It will be interesting to
see how this filters through to areas such as religious beliefs and expression.
Bali may still be fairly immune to the effects of open thought and the
possible watering down of their religion, however, because the Balinese value
their own culture so strongly that they often consider themselves to be more
Balinese than Indonesian. Pride in their own religious and cultural heritage,
therefore, may make them want to stick firmly to their beliefs and traditions.
For the end of the end of the 20th century and the beginning
of the new millennium, adherence to Balinese Hinduism by the majority of the
Balinese population does not look as though it is waning in the slightest.
Though the religion has ancient roots, it is in no way an outdated remnant from
the past that has no place in the 21st century. As Adrien Vickers said almost ten years ago:
"Bali can be said to be genuinely modern, because it is part of an
international tourist industry while having religious and artistic traditions
which are internationally respected. Balinese own motorbikes and fax machines,
while at the same time going to trance seances or
obtaining holy water from brahman high priests. There
is no contradiction in these things, since the traditional and the modern in
Bali are two aspects of a complex social system." (Vickers, 1990:213)
The next few years of political and economic resettling after a period
of significant upheaval will no doubt alter the context and direction of the
faith.
Unless there is a dramatic change to the way Hinduism is perceived and
practiced in Bali, however, it appears that the religion will continue to be
successfully passed on from generation to generation. Through the significant
efforts of the educators and elders of the community, who teach the faith both
formally and informally in the school context and through family and community
activities, most young Balinese are growing up to accept and practice Hinduism
"religiously".
Sources:
Dr Jean Couteau, Doctor in
Balinese History resident in Bali, 1999
Eiseman, F.B. Jr., Bali: Sekala and Niskala,
Volume I: Essays on
Religion, Ritual and Art, Periplus, Indonesia, 1990
Eiseman, F.B. Jr.,
Hindu Foundation,
Penuntun Belajar
Agama Hindu,
Penerbit Ganeca Exact
Penyusun,
T. Pelajaran Agama Hindu, Hanuman
Sakti, Jakarta, 1997
Drs.
IB Putu Purwita, Upacara Mediksa, Upadra
Sastra, Denpasar, 1993
Ketut
Sastrana, Blahbatuh Sanggar, 1999
Supartha,
W. Dharma Agama and Dharma Negara, Penerbit,
Denpasar, 1995
I Nyoman Sudah Suriana, SMU
Vickers,
A. Bali, A
Copyright
2000 Gaia Grant www.tirian.com